CCG attended Doha Forum 2024
CCG’s panel, featuring the Presidents of Namibia and Rwanda, the Prime Minister of Barbados, and the Foreign Minister of Honduras, attracted significant Chinese media coverage.
A team of CCG experts engaged in a wide range of activities, including debates, keynote addresses, panel discussions, and networking dinners, in the 2024 Doha Forum, held on December 7-8.
On the forum's opening day, CCG co-hosted with the Doha Forum a China-focused panel discussion titled "China's Role in a Rising Global South: Redefining the Future World Order." CCG President Henry Huiyao Wang was among the panellists.
On Day II, December 8, Henry Huiyao Wang was invited to participate in another panel co-hosted by Chatham House titled "What Progress is Possible After the Year of Elections?"
CCG Secretary-General Mabel Lu Miao was also invited to speak at a panel themed "The Innovation Imperative: Governing Technology for Global Peace & Security."
CCG Vice President Victor Gao spoke at a panel titled "Central Asia and the New Era of Global Energy Security."
The CCG Update here presents the transcript of the panel discussion co-hosted by CCG on December 7, titled "China's Role in a Rising Global South: Redefining the Future World Order." This event attracted significant media attention and was reported by Chinese media outlets including Xinhua News Agency, Guangming Daily, Reference News, Phoenix News, and china.com.cn, as well as mainstream media in Namibia and Rwanda.
The panel was moderated by Adnan Nawaz, Anchor at TRT World. The speakers include:
Henry Huiyao Wang, Founder & President of the Center for China & Globalization (CCG); former Counselor to China State Council
Nangolo Mbumba, President of Namibia
Paul Kagame, President, Republic of Rwanda
Eduardo Enrique Reina, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Honduras
Mia Mottley, Prime Minister, Republic of Barbados
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
There are now middle powers who are able to influence international politics. But apart from those middle powers, there is an inevitability: it is the rise of China and its ability and Beijing’s willingness to engage with the outside world and affect what is happening outside its traditional spheres of influence.
So, quite clearly, the session title speaks for itself: China’s importance, especially to the Global South.
So let’s introduce our panelists. We have, moving from top to bottom: Dr. Eduardo Enrique Reina Garcia, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation for Honduras; Her Excellency Mia Mottley, Prime Minister of Barbados, who has actually been spoken about as a possible successor to the current UN Secretary-General—so that’s very interesting to hear in the international media; His Excellency Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda; His Excellency Nangolo Mbumba, President of Namibia; and Dr. Henry Huiyao Wang, founder and president of the Center for China and Globalization, also former counselor to the China State Council.
So, we have to begin, obviously, with the Chinese perspective. Dr. Wang, people have been saying for years now that China is rising. Should we not just say China has arrived now? And what are its ambitions in terms of its position as now a superpower in a multi-polar world?
Henry Huiyao Wang, Founder & President of the Center for China & Globalization (CCG); former Counselor to China State Council
Thank you, Adnan, for moderating, and also very pleased to be accompanied by so many distinguished, honorable guests. I think absolutely, we are coming to the Doha Forum, which is a great event. And I think, China in the last 46 years since it opened up has really become one of the very remarkable successes of the developing countries, actually achieving the second-largest economy status in the world. And also, it has been really participating actively in the Global South activities and also to sustain the current global order.
The global order of the Bretton Woods system has been 80 years since its beginning. But this system needs to be upgraded, needs to be enhanced, and improved and enlarged. I think China’s role in the rising Global South particularly redefines the future of a global order, as we’ve been talking in this panel. It is really several roles China can play.
First is economic roles. I think that’s probably the key role that China can play. For example, China is the major trading partner for 140-some countries, and also, very importantly, China offers a huge market. Also, President Xi just recently announced that China is going to lift the tariffs for 30-some least-developed countries for their goods to come to China. That is really remarkable. While others still raise the tariff and high fences, and the Chinese lower its fences and lower its market entry point. So, this is very good.
On top of that, China has launched the Belt and Road Initiative, which has 150 countries, most of them developing countries and Global South countries. China has launched the AIIB to do the infrastructure for the development. And also, China joined the RCEP, the largest free trade agreement in the world. And of course, on top of that, China is working with African, Latin American, Gulf countries, Central Asia, and of course, also ASEAN. So you can see all those things happening: infrastructure tackling, building roads, bridges, high-speed railways, and all the rest, and ports. Recently, President Xi was attending the APEC Summit. We see that a brand-new port has been built up in Peru, facilitating Latin American and Central American trade as well. So, I think that’s number one.
Number two, even though China has, in many ways, lowered its tariffs and has fulfilled its obligations, China still treats itself as a developing country because of the political identity. China wants to work for the Global South, wants to really help the Global South. For example, you can see China becoming a driving force in the BRICS countries. The number of BRICS countries doubled last year, and there are another 30 countries lined up to join that. You can see that China is really playing some mediating role—for example, between Saudis and Iranians, and China has gathered 14 Palestinian factions in Beijing to also facilitate those peace talks.
Finally, I would say China also has some technological roles to play for the Global South and for the world. For example, on climate change, China is the leading power in the green transition—on telecommunications and solar panels. One of the Chinese solar companies that work in Africa produces a small solar panel for 50 million African families so they can charge their battery for iPhones and watch television in the evening. Those things are really good.
Finally, I think China is not alone. China actually would like to work with other countries, with the EU, with the U.S., sustain the UN, and work with the UN principles. So in many ways, I think China is ready to work with the world, and particularly to show a new driving force behind the Global South countries. That would be my comment.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Dr. Wang, you’ve done all my work for me. You have literally covered everything that we need to discuss here. Time is tight. The issue of how China can help the economic development of the Global South is quite apparent, but we also have to discuss the governance of the world order in this multi-polar world that we now inhabit.
President Kagame, what do you feel about China’s ability to help the economic development of Africa? I understand that, obviously, Africa is so many countries, and you can’t represent the entire continent. But what we have seen is an increasing interest for African countries to do deals with Beijing. What is Africa getting out of it?
Paul Kagame, President, Republic of Rwanda
Well, thank you. First of all, let me say China Rising is a good thing, and that depends on its rising, maybe with others. So how it conducts the business is very important—how it relates, how it cooperates with the other countries, and most especially the African countries, as you raised. So, it’s a good thing.
There is a history between China and Africa for many years that goes back many decades. When Africa—most of the countries on the continent—was getting independence, they had a lot of support from China at the time. Now the cooperation has even more value in terms of trade, investment. To the point, I specifically give you an example: when there was a removal of tariffs recently, we have seen, for Rwanda, the value of trade we had with China rose from, say, 35 million US dollars, which was a very tiny amount, to 150 million. So that speaks for the benefits of such measures that have been taken. I also imagine for other countries that even have bigger economies than Rwanda on the continent have benefited much more. So, that’s a very good thing.
And this relationship doesn’t come with a lot of strings attached like we have had with many other parts of the world. We get more in terms of lectures and not so much in terms of value, as I have stated. With China, for Africa, the relationship is beneficial, and we’ve seen it in numbers from one country to another.
Recently, the meeting we had, FOCAC (Forum on China-Africa Cooperation) in Beijing, we saw that demonstrated in terms of attendance and discussions and contracts signed, and also the growing value presented by the Belt and Road Initiative that has been put in place by China. In Rwanda specifically, we have, for example, hundreds of millions of projects in terms of value in hydro. We have a hydropower station being built. We have built a large hospital that’s a university hospital. It does research with China, with the support of China. We see so many things practical to the development of our countries. And specifically, I can give the example of Rwanda in that sense, but I know more is happening across the continent.
There has been also this prejudice about China. They talk about debt, you know, countries falling in. I think that should not be blamed on China, much as they could take part of the blame for that. But Africans also—we need to do better in engaging with our partners, like in this case with China. We could always take loans that we know we are going to deploy to projects that are actually going to give us good returns both ways.
But I have seen China is making improvements in terms of approach to how they engage Africa, especially on these projects. They target projects, not the kind of very big projects that consume a lot of money, but in the end you don’t—or in the process it is not well implemented and causes problems. So, I think that’s where the governance part comes in. Governance is about getting things right, properly targeting the right people, the right places, and getting the returns you want from the beginning. Thank you very much.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Thank you very much Mr. President. President Mbumba, China has also invested heavily in your country, particularly in the mining sector, which is vital to your economy. However, how much blame do traditional powers, such as the former colonial powers of Europe and the United States, bear for ignoring Africa in the past, thus making it easier for China to build these relationships on the continent?
Nangolo Mbumba, President of Namibia
Thank you very much for rephrasing your question. The title of this discussion, “The Role of the Rising Global South in Redefining the Future of the World Order,” is highly relevant. Let me join President Kagame for representing the position of the African continent regarding our relationship with China.
In the first place, if China is rising, it is because China is a star in itself. It has the population, the history, and a long-standing relationship with Africa. This relationship did not start with an army. Slowly, we started engaging one another. Especially during Africa’s liberation. China made significant contributions while others, who had colonized us, were refusing to leave. That is very, very clear.
In terms of modern cooperation, they are the number one minor of uranium in Namibia. We have a lot of uranium in Namibia. Other countries are involved too, but even the one mine which used to belong to a British company, they sold it to the Chinese. They themselves sold it to the Chinese. We did not tell them to sell it, but it’s market forces.
Okay, so in that way, we have certain things we are doing with the Chinese in terms of mining, in terms of trade. They have opened up their trade. We can market our beef to them as much as we want, mutton the same, grapes the same, dates the same, and many other things.
So in that way, it is really on the basis of cooperating with one another, not forcing anybody. And also, if the Western countries want to compete, the competition’s open. It’s not that China is doing this for the wrong reasons. China is opening up the business and their companies. Also, in terms of their companies, which European, British company, or German company, or Italian company is going right now to come and build a road in Africa? They are doing other things. They are highly in sophisticated items, but Chinese have companies that can do the dirty work, if you can put it that way—cleaning up things, building roads, opening mines, and so on.
So, in terms of us, ours is based on political understanding of one another, cultural cooperation in promoting understanding of one another, exchanging of academic people who want to teach and who want to train, and also sending our students all over the world, which we want and which we need. We are developing green hydrogen in Namibia, basically together with European companies, especially the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, and others. But the Chinese are also welcome to come and work with us. We are not blocking anybody. We are trading openly, and we have open relationships with each and every country. So, in that way, we are developing our country, too.
And as President Kagame said, we Africans are learning how to do things for ourselves and with whom to do them—openly and on our own strength. And if it is our weakness, then we are to blame. And if we were sharp enough to match other people, then the benefit will come to us. Thank you very much.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Thank you, Mr. President. Okay, let’s move from Africa to the western part of the world and the relationship that China has with the Caribbean and Latin America.
Prime Minister Mottley, you’re so far away from China. You would have thought that geographically the Caribbean would fall under the US sphere of influence, but what does the rise of China and China’s ability to help the Caribbean mean to your part of the world?
Mia Mottley, Prime Minister, Republic of Barbados
Well, thank you very much for having me. And let me say at the outset that we are all countries on the planet Earth, and therefore the distance ought not to matter. Our common humanity is what binds us together, and our relationship with China goes back almost half a century, long before many other countries opened up to diplomatic relations with China. So let me put that on the table first and foremost.
Secondly, as a country, when we became independent 58 years ago, we made it clear that we had permanent interests and that we would be friends of all and satellites of none. And as small as we are, we’ve tried to maintain that as a core principle of our foreign policy relationship. China, like any other country, is one with whom we would want to have serious relationships. And over the course of almost the half-century, we’ve been able to have economic cooperation, we’ve been able to have cultural cooperation, we’ve been able to have cooperation on the diplomatic front.
But I want to go back to the Bandung Conference of 1955, because that is where the then Premier of China, Zhou Enlai, set out the precepts upon which China’s foreign policy would be developed. I set out just now for you what ours was. And if you go back to the precepts of the Bandung Conference, which established clearly that colonialism in any form or any manifestation is unacceptable in the modern world, you then begin to understand what are the core principles that would cause our countries in the region, in the Caribbean region, and China to find a common platform? And the reality is that Barbados, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana took decisions in the 1970s with the opening up of Cuba relations and with the opening up of relations with China that reinforce that notion of self-determination and mutual respect with countries. And it is against that backdrop that the relationship has taken place.
I’m amused when I see topics such as this because, really and truly, there is an unconscious bias that has led to this topic. And the question is whether any country has the right to be able to assert that it wants to help redefine a global order in a multi-polar world. And we clearly believe that you do, but the unconscious bias is to suggest that only Western civilization has that right, and we know better.
If we are to be faithful to the principles of the Bandung Conference or the United Nations International Declaration of Human Rights and the manner in which we have set out to engage each other globally, then it is in all of our interests for every country to rise as far as possible and for every country to be able to offer cooperation on the basis of mutual respect.
Therefore, I am amused but simply say, like President Kagame, that those who would wish to disparage it should remember that negotiations take place on two sides, and that in those circumstances, if there are examples where one side has gotten the better of the other, I can assure you that it is not unique to China. There are many examples where other countries have taken advantage of other people. So let us focus, however, on how we can make the world a better place.
There is no doubt that there are large countries with strong economic power, military power, and strong civilizations that can make the world a better place. But the big issue is, what are the values and what is the trajectory? And if we have a world that does not see small countries, does not feel or appreciate the role of small countries, then we have a problem.
Therefore, our concern really is—and that’s why I went back to the Bandung Conference—because the precepts that existed then, in 1955, ought to be the precepts more than ever. I want to make this one point: we are in the throes, in my view, of the dying of the current world order, and the new world order clearly is struggling to emerge. We are going to have to ask ourselves whether the only players will be sovereign countries, whether there is not a role for other players, particularly with respect to the preservation of global public goods.
Whether we don’t need to be able to look for funding beyond country funding, particularly when countries have said that there is a dirth of capacity on their part for more public money to fight climate, to be able to fight against the pandemics of the world and prepare for the next pandemics, to be able to deal with the digital divide that is only increasing the inequity and the poverty that may exist out there. How are we going to make this world more effective?
Even with the might of China or the might of the US, that is not going to be enough. And that is why I’m saying to us that what matters are the precepts and the values to which we hold firm. What matters to us is how do we preserve the global public commons. Because if a mosquito can cause someone to die, as small as it is, let us equate that now to countries. And if there are small countries that are exposed with no strong public health systems, they too can become the biggest risk to global stability if new diseases with the new pathogens that are developing—because of the increased climate, because of the increased droughts, because of the increased rains—all of these things put all of us at risk.
And I ask simply the question, why are we as countries behaving in a way as if we do not have a common existence and a common battle to fight that is, in fact, greater than what each of us on our own can amount, even China, even the US, as large as they are? The need for planetary cooperation and the need for us to see how best we can unite is really where we ought to be going, rather than worrying about who has the edge over the other. Thank you.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
You absolutely raised critical, critical points there, Prime Minister, on the collective action that’s needed and the issue of values. The question becomes: whose values? Because if we come to Central America, Foreign Minister Garcia, what came to my mind as Prime Minister Mottley was speaking was American military action to depose Maurice Bishop in Grenada. But the Chinese don’t seem to have that kind of judgment that they place upon others to demand that those others have the same thoughts as they do, as the Americans. So, what is China’s relationship like with Central America, considering, again, what we’ve seen of those traditional northern global powers disregarding Africa and the way America has treated Central America over the past—you tell me how long—oh, there are so many examples of American abuses in Central America.
Eduardo Enrique Reina, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Honduras
Thank you, Adnan, and it’s great to share this panel with such distinguished heads of state and government. Well, I think Honduras, for us, we came up—we arrived a little late in this relation with China in comparison with all other countries. We just have one year and nine months of relation with China. In fact, we had a relation with Taiwan, and our president took the right decision, a pragmatic decision, on the reality. The role of China in the global order is there. China is the second or third trade partner for all of Latin America—almost all of Latin America—and even for Honduras, when we still had a relation with Taiwan, China became the third relation in trade partner.
So, really, we have just to adjust to this reality. And, in fact, I think it’s not only the rising role of China in the global order but also how the Global South is changing. And as all the mentions of the Presidents and the Prime Minister before me, I think China is not only changing—we are also changing. And as Prime Minister Mottley said, really, it’s the respect of this self-determination, this respect of non-intervention in our affairs. It’s not only that we will not accept that someone imposes what to do but also someone trying to impose with whom we have relations or develop relations.
China, I think, we have been constructing as Honduras a new relation in this short period of time. We are negotiating a free trade agreement. We already have China as an important market for products, and it is all right, I think. And as you mentioned, sometimes other powers are trying to, even though the world has changed to a new world order by itself, they’re trying to impose practices of the old global order.
There are still minds, not only in the US but also in Europe, that are trying to live within the Cold War thinking, and they’re trying to impose that on you. There are some mentions of congressmen or senators in the US trying to say, “Don’t go further with China, don’t go further with relations with other countries,” or, for example, to support them in issues related to the conflict in Russia or Ukraine.
But I think we have been developing our sense of relations, and afterward, sometimes this conflict between global powers ends up leaving you alone there with a fight that is not yours. So, we have to be very pragmatic, and I think China is developing a relation of mutual respect and mutual benefits. And I think we are enjoying that relation, and we will move forward to develop this relation with China.
Also, I think there are many things that we may work on together for the improvement of the realities of our own peoples—not only with China but also within the Global South. How we may work together, because sometimes for Central America, as you mentioned, historically we have been so close to the US but so far also from our neighborhood. We have been far from Latin America, we have been far from the Caribbean, and we need to work together, really, as Prime Minister showed.
We really need to work together to face the realities and the crises of the world, like in climate change, like in conflicts. The pandemic showed us that if we are alone, we will not go together. And as His Highness said today in the opening of this forum, how adaptation and innovation are key. With that, we have to work.
And one bit of an example: when the US started relations with China during the 70s, it was a new innovation. It was the right thing to do. They enjoyed it, and also the Europeans enjoyed how China’s openness improved their markets and capabilities. But right now, as China has reached a higher level of competition with these powers, now they’re trying to impose on you not to go into a relation with China. So, it is a kind of double standard.
So that’s the relation. I think we have to be very valiant to move forward as sovereign states and in respect with all the principles that rule the international law as sovereign states—no intervention, and also the respect of our own sovereignty. Thank you very much indeed, Foreign Minister.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Thank you very much indeed, Foreign Minister. Okay, we only have 10 minutes, so if you could just keep your answers a little bit more brief, and we’ll hopefully try to get one or two questions from the audience. If you can put your hands up when I indicate, we’ll see what happens, but time is running short.
Dr. Wang, let’s talk about BRICS, okay? And then, Prime Minister Mottley, let’s talk about international governance and the UN Security Council and the changes that much of the world would like to see. The question about BRICS is a very specific one: the Mineral Security Partnership was set up about 18 months ago by mostly Western and Global Northern countries because they are specifically concerned that BRICS and BRICS Plus is going to eventually suck up most of the world’s minerals and natural resources. So how does China reassure mostly the Global North and the Western world that BRICS will not endanger them but will benefit everybody?
Henry Huiyao Wang, Founder & President of the Center for China & Globalization (CCG); former Counselor to China State Council
Well, thank you, and absolutely, the success of BRICS largely depends on its economic cooperation. I think this is a beauty of the BRICS. It does not have to be judged by the ideological values or camps. For example, we have Turkey—I had the Foreign Minister of Turkey come to my office saying that Turkey would like to be part of the BRICS; it’s also a NATO country. So, you see, it’s open and inclusive, and it’s really equal to all the partners.
So, I don’t think that BRICS is going to be an ideological camp or a security alliance or of any other nature. It’s really purely an economic development circle, I would say. It’s really stimulating all the countries to develop. So, I don’t think that’s going to exclude Global Northern countries.
BRICS is welcome to do trade with Global Northern countries, and of course, I’m sure they can do. It’s the public—the opposite. Now we got the threat from President-elect Trump saying, “Okay, if you guys want to have a little different experiment about the payment system, I’m going to levy a 100% tariff.” So, that’s—you see the difference.
So, I think the BRICS are open, really wanting to do more, and the economic magnet is really the beauty of the BRICS because it’s excluding where you come from, how high or low you are—you can have a per capita GDP of UAE of 50,000; you can have Ethiopia about 1,000—it doesn’t matter, you know. We are open for everybody. So, I think that’s the beauty.
I think the world now is a multi-polar world, and BRICS represents 80% of the Global South and is really going to have a collective voice for how to reform the global order, and how to be more inclusive, open, and also welcoming. I think that kind of attitude is needed in a more geopolitical-driven world, in a more dynamic decoupling, de-risk, rivalry kind of culture. This is open for unity, for cooperation, for economic development, for global peace and prosperity.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Okay, and thank you for keeping it brief. Prime Minister Mottley, let’s talk specifically about the UN Security Council.
The country where I now live, in Turkey, famously President Erdogan was there at the UN General Assembly holding up his hand—the five fingers—saying that the world is bigger than five. Bearing in mind, of course, that China has the veto power on the Security Council, would you have any confidence that Beijing would be willing to relinquish some of its power in the UN Security Council to provide for a more broad-based organisation, this main peacekeeping forum for the world, which seems to be failing?
Mia Mottley, Prime Minister, Republic of Barbados
I’m not sure that you’re asking me the right question. I think that the issue is: will all five P5 countries? (Moderator: But they’re not going to, are they? We know they won't), and therefore, if they’re not going to, then we will reap what we sow. I made the point earlier that we are seeing the end of the current world order and the birth pangs of a new world order.
The United Nations system was formed when most of the countries of the world were not sovereign entities. And whether we like it or not, it cannot reflect a true representation of the world’s current realities. If we want to hold on to the past, then we better get eyes in the back of our head rather than in the front of our head, because we are seeing the dying of the current world order.
The bottom line is BRICS is an expression economically of the fact that 80% of the Global South wants to have a voice of economic self-determination with respect to their futures. Similarly, if we don’t reflect that kind of inclusive approach within the United Nations system, the United Nations will become less and less relevant to the realities of the people of this world.
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Okay, any questions? We have three minutes left. Oh, lots. Okay, gentleman at the back who’s got a huge smile, stand up please, if you don’t mind. If we can get a microphone to him. Who are you, first of all, and what is your question?
Q
My name is John Miller Beauvoir. I’m a political scientist, and I worked in international development across 20 countries in the Global South. I’m a Caribbean, and I’m very glad to see Prime Minister Mottley. She is a global voice for reparations for countries.
I want to know how BRICS intends to work with the United Nations system because there is an imbalance in power. There’s equilibrium within the United Nations. Is there a strategy for BRICS to kind of rectify this process where there is a tendency that the Western countries have leverage and influence on decision-making processes within the United Nations?
Adnan Nawaz, Anchor, TRT World (Moderator)
Okay, if you don’t mind, I’ll kind of reframe the question because I’d like to hear from President Kagame, if you don’t mind, in terms of your experience with China’s ability to positively affect economic development. We’ve got the BRICS and BRICS Plus. We’ve got the Belt and Road Initiative. Do you see any potential pitfalls or dangers in terms of upsetting the global order that would produce a more negative effect to what we’re seeing at the moment? Because at the moment, the only negatives seem to be kind of almost philosophical warnings from the global North rather than anything concrete that we’ve seen yet.
So far, everything seems to have been progressing smoothly, but many people are saying, “Just wait—you will see that China will use all of this economic development for its own geopolitical purposes.”
Paul Kagame, President, Republic of Rwanda
Well, to my understanding, for global order, the purpose is to have global stability, which we don’t have. So, when you see these formations coming up like BRICS, they are coming up as a result of the fact that there is no global stability in the sense as we should know it, where the balance is just in favour of the North.
So, the Global South, first of all, we—we also need to realise that there’s a lot we can do that benefits us in the Global South. But we need to come together; we need to work together. And after that, we can even gain more by having the Global South cooperate with the global North. But the global North has not been favourable to that kind of cooperation that creates that stability, that feels that everyone is gaining from that cooperation. And that’s what led to the BRICS.
BRICS, I’m sure, will, in a way, act as a check to the limitless use of power and means that the North has. So maybe it moves all of us to that stability we are looking for.
Now, for China—China, I don’t see why, in fact—the first question, with China growing, becoming more powerful, stronger—we don’t see anything in history that suggests that China has misused its strength. I don’t see it. Rather, we have been benefiting from the cooperation and the attitude to bring everybody to the table where everyone feels they are winning in the process. That is, to my understanding, what China presents. But we will not avoid geopolitical competition; that exists for a fact.
And China, being a part of that, I think presents a fair and balanced way of competing. So, the reduction of the misuse many times of the power held by the Global North, I think, is very important. And China has been contributing to that in many ways. For the Global South, those of us—small and big countries—we just need to work together and make sure that we are contributing our fair share to this global stability that the world wants.